Την ίδια ώρα, στην Κίνα...
- Thread starter Costas
- Start date
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Επειδή το άρθρο που λινκάρισα στο #282 για τις αλλαγές στην ποινική δικονομία της Κίνας είναι πολύ αόριστο, βάζω εδώ ένα άλλο άρθρο που είναι πολύ πιο σαφές. Και αυτό γιατί υπάρχουν πολλές βελτιώσεις αλλά και μια επιδείνωση, με αποτέλεσμα άλλοι να πανηγυρίζουν και άλλοι να καταγγέλλουν, και έτσι δημιουργήθηκε κομφούζιο (στο μυαλό μου). Από το thewest.com.au.
AFP Updated March 14, 2012, 6:21 pm
BEIJING (AFP) - Chinese lawmakers on Wednesday passed into law controversial changes that give the police powers to detain some suspects for up to six months in secret locations known as "black jails".
Detentions in unofficial locations such as hotels or guesthouses in China are well-documented. Last year many people -- from renowned artist Ai Weiwei to rights lawyers and petitioners -- were illegally held in locations away from formal detention areas, sometimes for months.
But critics say the amendments to China's Criminal Procedure Law would legalise the practice for people considered a threat to the Communist Party such as political dissidents, dozens of whom were detained last year.
The bill was passed at the final session of the National People's Congress, with 2,639 delegates voting in favour of the amendments. Only 160 lawmakers opposed the bill, and 57 abstained from the vote.
"The legislation would provide dangerous exemptions from due process for entire categories of criminal suspects, including those who simply wish to peacefully express their opinion," Amnesty International said in a statement.
The proposed amendments caused a storm of protest from rights groups and judicial reformers when details first emerged in 2011, and have since been watered down.
A new clause in the latest draft would oblige police to inform relatives of those held outside formal detention centres within 24 hours of their detention, although it is not clear whether the location would be disclosed.
Liu Xiaoyuan, a lawyer and friend of Ai Weiwei, said in his blog that the modification from the original draft was "obvious progress."
"But when all is said and done, the law is only written on paper, and the crux is whether law enforcement agencies strictly respect it," he said.
China uses three methods of locking up suspects -- formal arrest, formal detention and "residential surveillance", which can be at home or in other locations, usually hotels or guesthouses.
In the first two cases, suspects are held in formal areas of detention such as police stations or prisons.
The controversy focuses mainly on the latter, where there is little accountability and where critics say police may feel freer to use torture.
The amended law for the first time includes a clause to allow police to hold some people under "residential surveillance" away from home for up to six months.
This form of detention is limited to people suspected of terrorism, endangering national security or serious bribery, where holding them under surveillance at their homes would impede investigations.
But activists point out that the charge of endangering national security is not clearly defined, and is regularly used to silence government critics.
Rights groups and legal scholars however say other amendments to the criminal law are positive.
Human Rights Watch -- while strongly critical about the secret detention clause -- said it welcomed provisions that could "strengthen procedural protections and due process for ordinary criminal suspects."
The group said this included "stricter time limits for detentions, better guarantees for access to a lawyer, and greater protection for juvenile and mentally ill defendants."
Όλα αυτά ενώ το 2011 ανακηρύχτηκε "most repressive year" για τα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα στην Κίνα, σύμφωνα με την ετήσια έκθεση του Chinese Human Rights Defenders που εδρεύει στο Χονγκ Κονγκ:
"Lengthy prison sentences handed out in 2011, like the use of enforced disappearance against high-profile activists, appear to be intended to normalise what has previously been rare or exceptional," said CHRD. (από το ίδιο σάιτ)
AFP Updated March 14, 2012, 6:21 pm
BEIJING (AFP) - Chinese lawmakers on Wednesday passed into law controversial changes that give the police powers to detain some suspects for up to six months in secret locations known as "black jails".
Detentions in unofficial locations such as hotels or guesthouses in China are well-documented. Last year many people -- from renowned artist Ai Weiwei to rights lawyers and petitioners -- were illegally held in locations away from formal detention areas, sometimes for months.
But critics say the amendments to China's Criminal Procedure Law would legalise the practice for people considered a threat to the Communist Party such as political dissidents, dozens of whom were detained last year.
The bill was passed at the final session of the National People's Congress, with 2,639 delegates voting in favour of the amendments. Only 160 lawmakers opposed the bill, and 57 abstained from the vote.
"The legislation would provide dangerous exemptions from due process for entire categories of criminal suspects, including those who simply wish to peacefully express their opinion," Amnesty International said in a statement.
The proposed amendments caused a storm of protest from rights groups and judicial reformers when details first emerged in 2011, and have since been watered down.
A new clause in the latest draft would oblige police to inform relatives of those held outside formal detention centres within 24 hours of their detention, although it is not clear whether the location would be disclosed.
Liu Xiaoyuan, a lawyer and friend of Ai Weiwei, said in his blog that the modification from the original draft was "obvious progress."
"But when all is said and done, the law is only written on paper, and the crux is whether law enforcement agencies strictly respect it," he said.
China uses three methods of locking up suspects -- formal arrest, formal detention and "residential surveillance", which can be at home or in other locations, usually hotels or guesthouses.
In the first two cases, suspects are held in formal areas of detention such as police stations or prisons.
The controversy focuses mainly on the latter, where there is little accountability and where critics say police may feel freer to use torture.
The amended law for the first time includes a clause to allow police to hold some people under "residential surveillance" away from home for up to six months.
This form of detention is limited to people suspected of terrorism, endangering national security or serious bribery, where holding them under surveillance at their homes would impede investigations.
But activists point out that the charge of endangering national security is not clearly defined, and is regularly used to silence government critics.
Rights groups and legal scholars however say other amendments to the criminal law are positive.
Human Rights Watch -- while strongly critical about the secret detention clause -- said it welcomed provisions that could "strengthen procedural protections and due process for ordinary criminal suspects."
The group said this included "stricter time limits for detentions, better guarantees for access to a lawyer, and greater protection for juvenile and mentally ill defendants."
Όλα αυτά ενώ το 2011 ανακηρύχτηκε "most repressive year" για τα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα στην Κίνα, σύμφωνα με την ετήσια έκθεση του Chinese Human Rights Defenders που εδρεύει στο Χονγκ Κονγκ:
"Lengthy prison sentences handed out in 2011, like the use of enforced disappearance against high-profile activists, appear to be intended to normalise what has previously been rare or exceptional," said CHRD. (από το ίδιο σάιτ)
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Ένα ενδιαφέρον άρθρο της Γινγκ Τζου για τη μάχη επίσημης-ποιοτικής και ποπ-τρας-τηλεόρασης, στην κινεζική της εκδοχή. (asian creative transformations)
(...)
Now as the influence of communist ideology withers, the Chinese state is resorting to Confucianism in its reconstruction of “national culture.” The Chinese state is not alone in this. The effort to revive Confucianism and Classical Chinese learning is nothing new among traditionalist Chinese scholars and cultural commentators. Over the past decade or two they have actively participated in ritual recitation of the Classics, exhorting traditional private schools to soak up on traditional Chinese virtues and values.
Responding to the demand for learning the Classics in elementary education, Chinese universities have begun to train scholars of Confucian Classics. The first College of Chinese Classics was inaugurated in 2005 at the People’s University in Beijing. The revival of Confucianism at the grassroots among the traditionalists has paved the way for the state’s call on an all out cultural war against decadent Western culture.
However, the Chinese versus Western rhetoric in Hu [Jintao]’s charge of amoral Western influence is deceptive, or at least misguided. The current cultural clash is not China versus the West but an envisioned nationalistic high culture versus the vernacular pop culture ushered in by a market economy. The real clash is therefore between the mandate of a cultural tradition dictated by morality and the demand of a market system dictated by profit maximization.
(...)
So allow me remind the Chinese policy makers and cultural pundits that Western culture is not the real culprit in the withering of China’s high culture as marketization and globalization have pushed open the Pandora box of the vernacular. A reminder to my alarmed fellow Western observers that the recent [trash and reality-show TV] crackdown should not come as a surprise and that not all policy moves by the CCP signal a political and cultural Tsunami. Let’s all chill a bit.
(...)
Now as the influence of communist ideology withers, the Chinese state is resorting to Confucianism in its reconstruction of “national culture.” The Chinese state is not alone in this. The effort to revive Confucianism and Classical Chinese learning is nothing new among traditionalist Chinese scholars and cultural commentators. Over the past decade or two they have actively participated in ritual recitation of the Classics, exhorting traditional private schools to soak up on traditional Chinese virtues and values.
Responding to the demand for learning the Classics in elementary education, Chinese universities have begun to train scholars of Confucian Classics. The first College of Chinese Classics was inaugurated in 2005 at the People’s University in Beijing. The revival of Confucianism at the grassroots among the traditionalists has paved the way for the state’s call on an all out cultural war against decadent Western culture.
However, the Chinese versus Western rhetoric in Hu [Jintao]’s charge of amoral Western influence is deceptive, or at least misguided. The current cultural clash is not China versus the West but an envisioned nationalistic high culture versus the vernacular pop culture ushered in by a market economy. The real clash is therefore between the mandate of a cultural tradition dictated by morality and the demand of a market system dictated by profit maximization.
(...)
So allow me remind the Chinese policy makers and cultural pundits that Western culture is not the real culprit in the withering of China’s high culture as marketization and globalization have pushed open the Pandora box of the vernacular. A reminder to my alarmed fellow Western observers that the recent [trash and reality-show TV] crackdown should not come as a surprise and that not all policy moves by the CCP signal a political and cultural Tsunami. Let’s all chill a bit.
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Όπως είπαμε, το σάιτ Utopia έκλεισε. Ξανάνοιξε, και ξαναέκλεισε. Βάλαν την εξήγηση (απλώς τα γεγονότα) στην αρχική τους σελίδα, αλλά μετά προφανώς τους είπαν να τη βγάλουν κι αυτή, κι έτσι ανακοίνωσαν "κλειστό λόγω εργασιών συντήρησης"... (Danwei)
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Chinese teenager sold kidney to buy iPhone (The Guardian)
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Πυκνώνει το μυστήριο στην υπόθεση Μπο Ξ(Σ)ιλάι. Καταρχήν αποβλήθηκε από το ΠΓ και την ΚΕ του ΚΚΚ, και κατά δεύτερον κύρια ύποπτη για το θάνατο του Βρετανού επιχειρηματία θεωρούν τώρα οι κινεζικές αρχές τη σύζυγο τού Μπο, γνωστή πρώην δικηγόρο. Καλά πάμε. Κάπου βλέπω τον Ρίτσαρντ Γκηρ να σκάει μύτη ως πρωταγωνιστής της χολλυγουντιανής ταινίας γύρω από το θέμα... (ΝΥΤ)
Νομίζω ότι δεν σου είπα ότι αυτό εδώ ήταν χορταστικότατο και πραγματικά διασκεδαστικό — διαβάστηκε βέβαια στο αναγνωστήρι, το Κιντλ, χωρίς το άγχος του κομπιούτερ. Θα το έβλεπα κι αυτό σε ταινία (αλλά χωρίς τον Ρίτσαρντ Γκιρ).
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Με αφορμή την Έκθεση Βιβλίου του Λονδίνου, που έχει φέτος τιμώμενη χώρα την ΛΔΚ, και όπου υπήρξαν διαμαρτυρίες για τον αποκλεισμό συγγραφέων μη αρεστών στο καθεστώς της χώρας (#291), η Guardian δημοσιεύει μια σειρά με σύντομες ιστορίες Κινέζων συγγραφέων.
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Ένα ενδιαφέρον άρθρο από την Guardian με αφορμή μιαν επιχειρηματία που καταδικάστηκε σε θάνατο για παράνομη άντληση κεφαλαίων, και το οποίο θίγει το θέμα της εξωτραπεζικής χρηματοδότησης, που έχει κάποια σχέση με τη Θέση 15 της Χάρτας 08 περί χρηματοοικονομικής μεταρρύθμισης.
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Αληθώς ανέστη ο Κύριος! :) Πρόκειται για τον Άi-Μιτροφάν (Μητροφάνη, και όχι Μητροφάνο, όπως λανθασμένα είναι γραμμένο στην εικόνα), που μαρτύρησε (ξίφει ετελειώθη) στα γεγονότα του "Κινήματος της Εταιρείας των Δίκαιων Αρμονικών Γροθιών" (Boxer Rebellion).
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Με καθυστέρηση αναρτώ εδώ μιαν ανοιχτή επιστολή προς το Βρετανικό Συμβούλιο για την Έκθεση Βιβλίου του Λονδίνου, σχετικά με την τακτική του να λειτουργήσει ως λογοτεχνικό πρακτορείο αποκλειστικά του κινεζικού καθεστώτος:
Open Letter to the British Council on the London Book Fair
April 15, 2012
Dear Madams/Sirs
It has come to our attention that for this month's London Book Fair you have invited the Administration of Press and Publication of the People's Republic of China (GAPP-PRC), which has long banned the works written by a large number of dissident writers, among them Dr. Liu Xiaobo, laureate of the 2010 Nobel Peace Prize and the former and honorary president of Independent Chinese PEN Centre. The GAPP-PRC has carefully selected 181 publishers and 31 official writers to present its own achievement in government-approved and censored literatures.
In order to give English authors and readers a broader understanding of the situation of Chinese literature and Chinese writers, we would like to name only a few writers whose works have been completely banned and who had to serve in prison for their writings in China. Like Liu Xiaobo, they have lost their freedom to write as well as their personal freedom, which is why we believe they need all more the support from the British Council. We hope that through your support to introduce, cite and spread their literary works - fiction, verse and prose, as well as their writings which have been labelled and condemned as crimes - to their British colleagues and the British public. Among them are many PEN members and honorary PEN members, including the literary critic and poet Liu Xiaobo, presently serving his 11-year imprisonment, and his wife Liu Xia, a poet who has been held under house arrest for a year and a half; Zhu Yufu, a writer recently sentenced to seven years in prison mainly for a poem he wrote after his release from a 9-year imprisonment; Yang Tongyan(aka Yang Tianshui), a novelist and poet serving his 12-year sentence in jail after a previous 10-year imprisonment; Shi Tao, a journalist and poet serving his 10-year imprisonment; Nurmuhemmet Yasin, an Uighur novelist and poet serving his 10-year imprisonment; Tan Zuoren, an environmentalist and writer serving his 5-year imprisonment; Zhang Jianhong (aka Li Hong), a poet and novelist who died soon after his release on medical parole after suffering complete paralysis due to his stay in prison; Dr. David Tsui (aka Xu Zerong), an Oxford scholar who was released last year after serving 11 years in prison; Yu Jie, an author who has been forced to take asylum in the United States this year after he was silenced by brutal beatings and tortures for his book for a period of over one year; Liao Yiwu, a poet and author who has been forced into exile in Germany last year; Zhou Qing, a writer of Munich City whose works have been banned in China; Jiao Guobiao, a Beijing-based author whose works have been banned in China, Ma Jian, a London-based novelist, and Bei Ling, a Germany-based poet and publisher, both of whom were denied entry to China last year, and many others. Particularly, we wish British and international writers and visitors of the London Book Fair to hear the voice of Ms. Woeser, a Tibetan writer restricted at her home in Beijing, to help the general public understand the tragic events of continuous and large-scale self-immolations in Tibet, while dozens of Tibetan writers and scholars who have raised their voice about the political situation in Tibet, have been imprisoned there, including Domal Kyab, Tashi Rabten, Jangtse Donkho, Buddha, Kalsang Jinpa, Dokru Tsultrim, Kunchok Tsephel Gopey Tsang and Kunga Tseyang. In PEN's case lists alone there are over 40 writers imprisoned in China for their writings.
The British Council has emphasized that the Chinese writers are being invited for their writings in and about China, in order to broaden the understanding of Chinese literature in Britain and to promote cultural exchange between the two countries. We cannot but ask: to understand Chinese literature, should the British people rely on the recommendations by the Chinese government alone? Is there no need to learn about the authors who will never be able to get a recommendation from the government and whose works have been banned in China? Should Václav Havel have been ignored because he was imprisoned while his works had been banned by the former Czechoslovakian authorities? Should Joseph Brodsky's creations not have been considered a part of Russian literature when he was jailed in the former Soviet Union or after he was forced into exile? Should Sir Ahmed Salman Rushdie no longer be able to promote cultural exchange between the United Kingdom and India? We believe that such a view, which the British Council is now running the risk of emphasizing, is unfair to the many writers who have been banned, imprisoned in, or exiled from China. London is the birthplace of PEN International. It is in the British tradition of humanism to be concerned about all the writers who are politically persecuted and to promote their release from prison. It is on this basis that we sincerely request the British Council to draw attention to the situation of the writers whose works are banned in China.
We have also noted that you are using the term "Chinese literature". As the official, government approved writers generally represent the government, the official literature allowed by GAPP-PRC is only a very limited part of Chinese literature, mainly representing so-called "socialist literature with Chinese characteristics". It cannot but reflect far less than a full view of Chinese literature. Chinese literature must include independent literature, beyond official censorship and banning, heretical literature, underground literature, prison literature and exile literature. Therefore, please do not support the Chinese government's GAPP-PRC's misleading presentation for British authors and readers.
A society where writers have lost their human rights and professional freedom under the conditions restricted by their government is not a free society. If the British Council wishes to promote an authentic cultural exchange in a free and civilized way, please do not disregard the independent writers whose works are dedicated to shaping a Chinese civil society, especially those who has lost freedom and whose works have been banned by GAPP-PRC to present at the Book Fair.
We are looking forward to hearing from you.
Kind regards,
Signed by
Independent Chinese PEN Centre
German PEN Center
Center PEN Swiss Romand
San Miguel PEN Center
Portuguese PEN Center
PEN The Netherlands
Lithuanian PEN Centre
Sydney PEN Center
PEN Centre for German-speaking Writers Abroad
PEN Canada
Centre Québécois du PEN
Uyghur PEN Center
PEN Esperanto, Writers in Prison Committee (WiPC)
PEN Flanders Center, Board member Geertrui Daem, head of WiPC Xavier Roelens, members Prof. Joris Gerits, Frank De Vos and Hilde Keteleer
Dr. Bashabi Fraser, Edinburgh Napier University, Member of Scottish PEN Center
Ulrich Schreiber, Director of International Literature Festival, Berlin
Prof. Gereon Sievernich, Martin-Gropius-Bau, Berlin
Beijing Spring
Qi's Cultural Foundation Tendency Inc. (Publisher, Taiwan)
Trieste PEN Centre
Hong Kong Journalists Association
China Eweekly (Initiatives for China)
For more information, contact Independent Chinese PEN Center (ICPC)
1) Tienchi Martin-Liao, President,
Tel: +49 176 5472 3721, +49-176 5472 3721(m)
email: tienchimartin@gmail.com
2) Patrick Poon, Executive Secretary
Tel: +852-94173765
email: poonkarwai@gmail.com
3) Yu Zhang, Coordinator of Press & Translation Committee
Tel: +46-8-50022792
email: yuzhang08@live.se, icpc.members@gmail.com
Websites: http://www.chinesepen.org/english and http://www.liuxiaobo.eu/
Open Letter to the British Council on the London Book Fair
April 15, 2012
Dear Madams/Sirs
It has come to our attention that for this month's London Book Fair you have invited the Administration of Press and Publication of the People's Republic of China (GAPP-PRC), which has long banned the works written by a large number of dissident writers, among them Dr. Liu Xiaobo, laureate of the 2010 Nobel Peace Prize and the former and honorary president of Independent Chinese PEN Centre. The GAPP-PRC has carefully selected 181 publishers and 31 official writers to present its own achievement in government-approved and censored literatures.
In order to give English authors and readers a broader understanding of the situation of Chinese literature and Chinese writers, we would like to name only a few writers whose works have been completely banned and who had to serve in prison for their writings in China. Like Liu Xiaobo, they have lost their freedom to write as well as their personal freedom, which is why we believe they need all more the support from the British Council. We hope that through your support to introduce, cite and spread their literary works - fiction, verse and prose, as well as their writings which have been labelled and condemned as crimes - to their British colleagues and the British public. Among them are many PEN members and honorary PEN members, including the literary critic and poet Liu Xiaobo, presently serving his 11-year imprisonment, and his wife Liu Xia, a poet who has been held under house arrest for a year and a half; Zhu Yufu, a writer recently sentenced to seven years in prison mainly for a poem he wrote after his release from a 9-year imprisonment; Yang Tongyan(aka Yang Tianshui), a novelist and poet serving his 12-year sentence in jail after a previous 10-year imprisonment; Shi Tao, a journalist and poet serving his 10-year imprisonment; Nurmuhemmet Yasin, an Uighur novelist and poet serving his 10-year imprisonment; Tan Zuoren, an environmentalist and writer serving his 5-year imprisonment; Zhang Jianhong (aka Li Hong), a poet and novelist who died soon after his release on medical parole after suffering complete paralysis due to his stay in prison; Dr. David Tsui (aka Xu Zerong), an Oxford scholar who was released last year after serving 11 years in prison; Yu Jie, an author who has been forced to take asylum in the United States this year after he was silenced by brutal beatings and tortures for his book for a period of over one year; Liao Yiwu, a poet and author who has been forced into exile in Germany last year; Zhou Qing, a writer of Munich City whose works have been banned in China; Jiao Guobiao, a Beijing-based author whose works have been banned in China, Ma Jian, a London-based novelist, and Bei Ling, a Germany-based poet and publisher, both of whom were denied entry to China last year, and many others. Particularly, we wish British and international writers and visitors of the London Book Fair to hear the voice of Ms. Woeser, a Tibetan writer restricted at her home in Beijing, to help the general public understand the tragic events of continuous and large-scale self-immolations in Tibet, while dozens of Tibetan writers and scholars who have raised their voice about the political situation in Tibet, have been imprisoned there, including Domal Kyab, Tashi Rabten, Jangtse Donkho, Buddha, Kalsang Jinpa, Dokru Tsultrim, Kunchok Tsephel Gopey Tsang and Kunga Tseyang. In PEN's case lists alone there are over 40 writers imprisoned in China for their writings.
The British Council has emphasized that the Chinese writers are being invited for their writings in and about China, in order to broaden the understanding of Chinese literature in Britain and to promote cultural exchange between the two countries. We cannot but ask: to understand Chinese literature, should the British people rely on the recommendations by the Chinese government alone? Is there no need to learn about the authors who will never be able to get a recommendation from the government and whose works have been banned in China? Should Václav Havel have been ignored because he was imprisoned while his works had been banned by the former Czechoslovakian authorities? Should Joseph Brodsky's creations not have been considered a part of Russian literature when he was jailed in the former Soviet Union or after he was forced into exile? Should Sir Ahmed Salman Rushdie no longer be able to promote cultural exchange between the United Kingdom and India? We believe that such a view, which the British Council is now running the risk of emphasizing, is unfair to the many writers who have been banned, imprisoned in, or exiled from China. London is the birthplace of PEN International. It is in the British tradition of humanism to be concerned about all the writers who are politically persecuted and to promote their release from prison. It is on this basis that we sincerely request the British Council to draw attention to the situation of the writers whose works are banned in China.
We have also noted that you are using the term "Chinese literature". As the official, government approved writers generally represent the government, the official literature allowed by GAPP-PRC is only a very limited part of Chinese literature, mainly representing so-called "socialist literature with Chinese characteristics". It cannot but reflect far less than a full view of Chinese literature. Chinese literature must include independent literature, beyond official censorship and banning, heretical literature, underground literature, prison literature and exile literature. Therefore, please do not support the Chinese government's GAPP-PRC's misleading presentation for British authors and readers.
A society where writers have lost their human rights and professional freedom under the conditions restricted by their government is not a free society. If the British Council wishes to promote an authentic cultural exchange in a free and civilized way, please do not disregard the independent writers whose works are dedicated to shaping a Chinese civil society, especially those who has lost freedom and whose works have been banned by GAPP-PRC to present at the Book Fair.
We are looking forward to hearing from you.
Kind regards,
Signed by
Independent Chinese PEN Centre
German PEN Center
Center PEN Swiss Romand
San Miguel PEN Center
Portuguese PEN Center
PEN The Netherlands
Lithuanian PEN Centre
Sydney PEN Center
PEN Centre for German-speaking Writers Abroad
PEN Canada
Centre Québécois du PEN
Uyghur PEN Center
PEN Esperanto, Writers in Prison Committee (WiPC)
PEN Flanders Center, Board member Geertrui Daem, head of WiPC Xavier Roelens, members Prof. Joris Gerits, Frank De Vos and Hilde Keteleer
Dr. Bashabi Fraser, Edinburgh Napier University, Member of Scottish PEN Center
Ulrich Schreiber, Director of International Literature Festival, Berlin
Prof. Gereon Sievernich, Martin-Gropius-Bau, Berlin
Beijing Spring
Qi's Cultural Foundation Tendency Inc. (Publisher, Taiwan)
Trieste PEN Centre
Hong Kong Journalists Association
China Eweekly (Initiatives for China)
For more information, contact Independent Chinese PEN Center (ICPC)
1) Tienchi Martin-Liao, President,
Tel: +49 176 5472 3721, +49-176 5472 3721(m)
email: tienchimartin@gmail.com
2) Patrick Poon, Executive Secretary
Tel: +852-94173765
email: poonkarwai@gmail.com
3) Yu Zhang, Coordinator of Press & Translation Committee
Tel: +46-8-50022792
email: yuzhang08@live.se, icpc.members@gmail.com
Websites: http://www.chinesepen.org/english and http://www.liuxiaobo.eu/
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Άρθρο της ΝΥΤ (Σχετ: παραπάνω, #314)
China’s supreme court on Friday overturned the death sentence of an ex-tycoon who was convicted of illegally raising money for her business in a case that prompted a public outcry.
(...)
The case also prompted debate over the financial difficulties Chinese entrepreneurs face in raising money in a country where the state-owned banking system channels most lending to state companies.
The communist government has launched a pilot project in Wu’s home city of Wenzhou [Ουέν-τζοου], known for its thriving private enterprises, aimed at making it easier for entrepreneurs to get bank loans.
(...)
Like many entrepreneurs, she raised money from private lenders outside the government-controlled banking system.
Πριν από 2 χρόνια περίπου ψηφίστηκε ένας νόμος που λέει πως όλες οι θανατικές καταδίκες θα πρέπει να στέλνονται στο Ανώτατο Δικαστήριο της χώρας για έγκριση.
China’s supreme court on Friday overturned the death sentence of an ex-tycoon who was convicted of illegally raising money for her business in a case that prompted a public outcry.
(...)
The case also prompted debate over the financial difficulties Chinese entrepreneurs face in raising money in a country where the state-owned banking system channels most lending to state companies.
The communist government has launched a pilot project in Wu’s home city of Wenzhou [Ουέν-τζοου], known for its thriving private enterprises, aimed at making it easier for entrepreneurs to get bank loans.
(...)
Like many entrepreneurs, she raised money from private lenders outside the government-controlled banking system.
Πριν από 2 χρόνια περίπου ψηφίστηκε ένας νόμος που λέει πως όλες οι θανατικές καταδίκες θα πρέπει να στέλνονται στο Ανώτατο Δικαστήριο της χώρας για έγκριση.
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Βιβλίο περί γλώσσας (η Εισαγωγή και το Κεφ. 1 κατεβαίνουν σε pdf):
CHINESE UNDER GLOBALIZATION
Emerging Trends in Language Use in China
As China experiences tremendous economic and social transformation in the reform years, language use in China has also undergone remarkable changes in the past couple decades: the national obsession with learning the global English, which becomes both a resource for modernization and a source of contention; the expanding use of local languages and dialects in mass media, where standard Mandarin is promoted and legally prescribed as the principal language; the emergence of the Internet language that has become a creative source for constructing a distinct youth identity; the Cantonese writing movement that challenges the hegemony of the Chinese writing system, which is traditionally based on northern Mandarin, to name a few.
(...)
Contents
Synchronic Variation or Diachronic Change: A Sociolinguistic Study of Chinese Internet Language (Liwei Gao)
The Metaphorical World of Chinese Online Entertainment News (Chong Han)
The Use of Chinese Dialects on the Internet: Youth Language and Local Youth Identity in Urban China (Jin Liu)
“My Turf, I Decide”: Linguistic Circulation in the Emergence of a Chinese Youth Culture (Qing Zhang and Chen-Chun E)
Chinese Via English: A Case Study of “Lettered-Words” As a Way of Integration into Global Communication (Ksenia Kozha)
Learning English to Promote Chinese — A Study of Li Yang's Crazy English (Amber R Woodward)
More than Errors and Embarrassment: New Approaches to Chinglish (Oliver Radtke)
Writing Cantonese as Everyday Lifestyle in Guangzhou (Canton City) (Jing Yan)
Negotiating Linguistic Identities Under Globalization: Language Use in Contemporary China (Jin Liu and Hongyin Tao)
CHINESE UNDER GLOBALIZATION
Emerging Trends in Language Use in China
As China experiences tremendous economic and social transformation in the reform years, language use in China has also undergone remarkable changes in the past couple decades: the national obsession with learning the global English, which becomes both a resource for modernization and a source of contention; the expanding use of local languages and dialects in mass media, where standard Mandarin is promoted and legally prescribed as the principal language; the emergence of the Internet language that has become a creative source for constructing a distinct youth identity; the Cantonese writing movement that challenges the hegemony of the Chinese writing system, which is traditionally based on northern Mandarin, to name a few.
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Contents
Synchronic Variation or Diachronic Change: A Sociolinguistic Study of Chinese Internet Language (Liwei Gao)
The Metaphorical World of Chinese Online Entertainment News (Chong Han)
The Use of Chinese Dialects on the Internet: Youth Language and Local Youth Identity in Urban China (Jin Liu)
“My Turf, I Decide”: Linguistic Circulation in the Emergence of a Chinese Youth Culture (Qing Zhang and Chen-Chun E)
Chinese Via English: A Case Study of “Lettered-Words” As a Way of Integration into Global Communication (Ksenia Kozha)
Learning English to Promote Chinese — A Study of Li Yang's Crazy English (Amber R Woodward)
More than Errors and Embarrassment: New Approaches to Chinglish (Oliver Radtke)
Writing Cantonese as Everyday Lifestyle in Guangzhou (Canton City) (Jing Yan)
Negotiating Linguistic Identities Under Globalization: Language Use in Contemporary China (Jin Liu and Hongyin Tao)